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男女賃金格差の構造分析 - 未調整と調整済みで見える異なる現実

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The Global State of the Gender Pay Gap

According to the ILO's 2024 report, women worldwide earn on average 80% of what men earn, representing a 20% gap. This "unadjusted gender pay gap" varies enormously by country. South Korea (31.2%), Japan (21.3%), and Israel (19.3%) have the largest gaps among OECD nations, while Belgium (3.8%) and Costa Rica (1.5%) have the smallest.

The unadjusted gap does not directly indicate "unequal pay for equal work." The "adjusted gender pay gap," which statistically controls for occupation, working hours, tenure, industry, and position, is smaller (approximately 8-12% in Japan). However, the residual gap after adjustment - the portion that cannot be explained by observable factors - is precisely what suggests the presence of discrimination.

Structural Causes - Occupational Segregation and Promotion Barriers

The largest driver of the pay gap is occupational segregation. Female-dominated occupations (caregiving, childcare, clerical work) tend to pay less than male-dominated ones (IT, finance, construction). This wage differential stems from social valuation of occupations and labor market supply-demand dynamics, though why female-dominated fields pay less involves circular causation.

The "glass ceiling" further amplifies the gap. Women hold 28.3% of management positions globally (ILO 2024), with representation declining at each successive level. At the CEO level, women lead only 10.4% of Fortune 500 companies. Delayed promotion accumulates into lifetime earnings differences and cascades into retirement pension disparities.

The Motherhood Penalty

Kleven et al. (2019), studying Danish data, demonstrated that women's earnings drop approximately 20% after the birth of their first child and never fully recover. Men's earnings, by contrast, show virtually no impact from parenthood. This "motherhood penalty" is observed universally across developed nations and constitutes one of the primary explanatory variables for the pay gap.

Japan's motherhood penalty is particularly severe. Approximately 46% of women leave the workforce after their first child (2020 data), and those who return typically enter part-time or non-regular employment, rarely recovering their pre-birth wage level. This "M-shaped curve" (the dip in female labor force participation by age) is characteristic of Japan and South Korea, reflecting insufficient institutional childcare support.

Gender Effects in Income Rankings

MyRank's income ranking does not separate by gender, comparing all users against the global distribution. This is a deliberate design choice. Gender-segregated rankings produce comparisons like "high for a woman" or "average for a man," which risk normalizing the gap as a given rather than a structural outcome to be addressed.

If women tend to rank lower in the overall distribution, this reflects the structural factors described above rather than individual capability differences. Rankings mirror current reality; whether that reality is just is a separate question. Data shows "what is happening" but does not prescribe "what should happen."

Evidence-Based Policies That Reduce the Gap

Several policies have demonstrated effectiveness in narrowing the pay gap. First, pay transparency laws (mandating companies to publish gender pay data): after the UK's 2017 introduction, affected firms' gaps shrank by 0.5 percentage points annually. Second, paternity leave quotas (papa quotas): after Iceland's implementation, male parental leave uptake reached 90%, attenuating the motherhood penalty.

Third, childcare infrastructure investment: after Quebec introduced affordable universal childcare, maternal labor force participation rose 8 percentage points and the pay gap narrowed. These policies do not change "individual choices" but alter the "preconditions for choice," intervening in structural inequality. Changing the structures behind the ranking numbers is what produces genuine improvement.

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